This article considers Iberoamerica as a macro-region that includes the countries of the Iberian Peninsula and the states of Latin America, which have a unique identity and are united primarily on the basis of common languages and culture. This study is based on a theoretical consideration of the concept of «identity» from the standpoint of social constructivism, offering its own interpretation of the term and considering the importance of actors’ self-identification for political decisionmaking and the development of multilateral diplomacy mechanisms. On the basis of the achievements of Russian and foreign researchers of the topic, the main aspects of Ibero-American identity are summarized, the practical implementation of integration ideas through the Ibero- American Community and the Ibero- American Summits is considered, and the main difficulties on the way of building of Ibero-America as a political, economic and socio-cultural space are highlighted.

The article analyzes geopolitical rivalry between the United States and China in Latin America. The goal of the article is to define the reasons for the decline of the U.S. strategic capabilities as the main regional actor.

The objectives of the article are to explain the domestic and international context, discern the key interests of Washington and Beijing in Central and South America, analyze foreign policy decision-making mechanisms in the USA and the PRC. The author emphasizes two blocks of problems — strategic and systemic. The former includes the peculiarities of the political and economic cooperation with two powers of the countries of the region. The latter pertains to a thorough study of the structure and functioning of foreign policy decision-making mechanisms in China and the USA. Vaccine supplies and deployment of 5G will be applied as the cases for explanation of those aspects.

After the end of the Cold war the spectrum of the U.S. prime interests was gradually turning towards the Middle East and Asia-Pacific. The “vacuum of leadership” emerged in Latin America, the one that could be filled by China.

Inability of the American political establishment to elaborate a new concept of dialogue-building with the southern neighbors became one of the reasons for China’s success. Ideological discrepancy and application of a value-based approach have adversely affected the U.S. relations with Latin-American countries.

China has always been mainly interested in economic cooperation and never insisted on the reform of the political system. Beijing has been cultivating its influence through its landmark – the “BRI” project. New infrastructural initiatives and increased flow of investments allowed the Chinese pharmaceutical and technological companies to broker several deals with regional governments and private distributors and supplant western analogues.

Besides, a simplified foreign policy decision-making model, manifested in the absence of the system of checks and balances, made it possible for the President of the PRC to concentrate unlimited power in his hands. It does increase the efficiency of China’s strategic tools, making them, at the same, less applicable in the long-term.

This article is concerned with the analysis of  features, dynamics and trends of  the  U.S.-EU cooperation in  the  fight against terrorism (2001–2021), which is one of the cooperation priorities in the security sphere, but at the same time is associated with a number of contradictions that complicate transatlantic relations. The  article will consider not only the foreign policy aspects of the U.S.-EU cooperation in the fight against terrorism, but also less well-covered aspects of their relations, such as the specifics of the legal and regulatory framework for  anti-terrorist cooperation, comparative analysis of  strategies and the  impact of  the  partners’ internal approaches
on the development of cooperation. A comprehensive study of  the  problems of  cooperation between the  EU and the  U.S. in the fight against terrorism in the period
2001–2021 on  the  basis of  foreign and national scientists’ works will allow for  an assessment of the development prospects for  the  transatlantic cooperation. The  author came to a conclusion that the U.S.–EU international cooperation triggered by 9/11
terrorist attacks led to  boosting the  exchange of critical information, prevention of  terrorist acts and development of  military cooperation as well as to  increased divisions among the  partners. The  U.S.
aspirations to  play the  leading role in the fight against terrorism and its unilateral actions undermining the European sovereignty and sometimes contradicting principles constituting the  base of  their counterterrorist approaches are among the  main controversies. However, despite the  differences, transatlantic cooperation in  the  fight against terrorism remains
important for  the  partners as it serves their core interests and is characterized by the  common purposes and values, which should be taken into consideration
in  order to  make conclusions for  Russian foreign policy.

Belgium and the  Netherlands have for many decades been the  engines of  integration processes in  Europe, giving priority to the economic aspects of integration. The  countries played an important role in  the  formation of  the  European Union, which is the  only integration association in  the  world that has managed to  reach the  stage of  Economic and Monetary Union
(EMU). Within the  euro area, supranational institutions conduct a common monetary policy. However, there has been a lot of discussion about the  effectiveness of  the  EMU since its founding — experts criticize the  union for  its inflexible monetary policy. This is especially acute in  times of  crisis, when the  European economies one after another go into a phase of decline and cannot take effective measures due to  the  unification of  monetary policy. Therefore, this topic is particularly relevant during the current coronacrisis. The  article considers the  role of  particular countries, namely Belgium and the Netherlands, in complex and multifaceted integration processes affecting the  interests and functioning of  most states of  the  continent. This determines the scientific novelty of the presented work. The purpose of this article is to study the role of Belgium and the Netherlands in the process of  monetary integration, as well as to  analyze the  economic consequences of  these countries’ accession to  the  euro area. The  main part of  the  work consists of  three sections. In  the  first section, the  author studies the  participation of  the  countries in  monetary integration in  the  1970s–1999: the  approaches of  Belgium and the  Netherlands to this process, their participation in various currency mechanisms (European Currency Snake, the  European Monetary System and others), the  compliance of  Belgium and the Netherlands with the Maastricht criteria before joining the  eurozone. In  the  second
section the author shows how participation in  the  EMU affected the  state of  the  economies of  the  two countries, as well as their economic cooperation with European partners. The  third section analyzes the  impact of  anti-crisis programs of  supranational authorities (during the crisis of 2008–2009, the  European debt crisis, and the  current coronacrisis) on  the  economies of  Belgium and the Netherlands.
In the conclusion the author posits that joining the euro area, in general, has brought positive consequences for  the  economies of  Belgium and the  Netherlands; the  competent policy of  the  ECB contributed to  a relatively successful recovery from economic crises by these countries. However, the  principles of  European solidarity can create certain difficulties for  Belgium and
the Netherlands.

Turkmenistan’s interaction with the world regions and with the leading countries of the Eurasian Economic Union (EAEU) is an important aspect of political and economic relations in Central Asia. Moreover, after the collapse of the former Soviet Union, a new geopolitical space, located at the intersection of strategic trade routes and rich in resources, emerged in Central Asia, which poses great interest to the great powers and to regional actors — a “New Big Game” is being formed for control over the region. Therefore, Turkmenistan with the entire region is turning into a “platform” for the clash of interests of these actors, because it is located at the junction of four world sides at once — the North (EAEU), the South (Iran, Turkey), the West (USA, EU) and the East (China). The purpose of this article is to analyze economic relations of Turkmenistan with the main countries of the EAEU and to compare the intensity of these relations with other actors — the South, the West and the East, in the context of a New Big Game. The article describes the pace and the structure of Turkmenistan’s trade turnover with Russia, Belarus, Kazakhstan, Turkey, Iran, the United States, the EU, and China, as well as provides geopolitical assessments of these players` actions in the region. The author used methods of economic and geopolitical analysis and monitoring of various media. Based on the results of the work, the primary conclusions are as follows: 1) The South has managed to build a very productive economic dialogue with Turkmenistan, but its influence remains insignificant due to the lack of resources and the rivalry between Iran and Turkey; 2) The West has also succeeded in building a fairly intensive economic relations with Turkmenistan, but there is a serious instability in these contacts, and the withdrawal of US troops from Afghanistan indicates that the influence of the West has been seriously shaken both in Turkmenistan and in Central Asia; 3) China has achieved the greatest success in building strong economic relations with Turkmenistan, and it is China which has the greatest influence on the Turkmenistan domestic situation, while strengthening its positions in the entire region; 4) The North has every chance to improve its influence in Turkmenistan and strengthen its position in the entire region, despite the contradictions in Russian-Turkmen relations and the trade pace that is inferior to China, which is approximately at the level of Turkmenistan’s trade with the South.

The article comprehensively analyses the phenomenon of Portugal’s neutrality during the Second World War. The analysis is made by the single case study method, using historical, as well as economic and statistical instruments. The research objective of the article is to point out the key features of Portugal’s neutrality during the Second World War by identifying its causes, features and key aspects. The first part of the article contains the analysis of the causes of the Portuguese neutrality: economic and military weakness, the «syndrome» of negative experience of participation in a world war after the First World War, as well as the unwillingness to enter into war neither against the Allies, in particular, the United Kingdom, with which Portugal had a centuries-old alliance and profound economic ties, neither against the Axis, whose countries were ideologically close to Portugal. The author also explores the policy of «swinging» between the Allies and the Axis countries, military and politically, as well as economically. In military and political terms, Portugal did remain neutral until the breakthrough of 1943, after which Portugal sided with the Allies, giving the United States and the United Kingdom an access to military bases. In the economic sense, Portugal strictly adhered to the «classical neutrality». Besides, the article analyzes the policy of Portugal in achieving «Iberian neutrality», that is, to ensure Spain not entering the war. The author concludes that Portuguese neutrality can be called «classical » both economically and, with reservations, politically. Portuguese neutrality is a unique case of the non-involvement of a colonial power in the world war and an example of a successful and flexible balancing between two opposing blocs.