The article addresses the nationalistic aspect of the regime of the dictator Augusto Pinochet who ruled Chile in 1973 — 1990. The relevance of the research is urgent because of the fact that although Chile is one of the most developed countries in Latin America, there are deep social contradictions, a gap between the rich and the poor which repeatedly causes civil unrest even now. The roots of the problem lie in the economic and social reforms of the military junta which are to be analyzed in conjunction with a deep research of the nationalistic framework of its policy.

The goal of the survey is to analyze the manifestations of nationalism in Pinochet’s regime, characteristic features of the junta’s rhetoric with regard to the national issue of Chile. The author tries to give an answer to the question whether nationalism was a historical necessity for Chile to overcome the crisis or a tool of the political elite which enabled it to implement its goals and to manipulate the society while hiding behind the idea of pursuing the national aspirations of the country. The bibliography concerning this topic is rather ambiguous as the interpretation of the reforms and results of Pinochet’s governance often depend on the subjective attitude of the researcher to the figure of this politician. This article is based upon the comprehensive analysis of the historical documents and the researches of scientists representing various schools and convictions. It aims to give an objective outlook of the domestic, including economic, social and political reforms, and international policy of the junta and its nationalistic aspect. The research pays special attention to the relations between Chile and other Latin American countries and Chile and the USA. External contacts with other states are of little scientific interest as Western Europe rejected to cooperate with the dictatorial regime which was accused of the violation of human rights; at the same time Pinochet severed diplomatic relations with the socialist countries.

In this article the evolution of Cuban-Algerian relations in the 1960s is analyzed. The relevance of this topic is contingent on relatively low degree of scientific development of this issue in the Russian scientific community. The author analyzes the main scientific papers of Russian and foreign scholars addressing this topic. Main imperatives of foreign policy of Cuba during the period after the revolution of 1959 are described. In the article main ideological background for development of the relations between the countries and influence of international context on it are considered.

The author defined the reasons for Algeria to become Cuba’s main foreign policy direction in Africa. The role of Cuban military aid during Algerian-Moroccan conflict, including military supplies and role of Cuban military specialists is analyzed. Such aspect of Cuban-Algerian bilateral cooperation as sending Cuban medical missions to Algeria is touched upon. The importance of Cuban-Algerian relations in context of development of Cuban foreign policy in Africa is recognized. The reduction of Cuban-Algerian cooperation during the latter half of the 1960s is described.

IAdhering to the integration processes in Europe from their very beginning, Italy remains one of the EU key participants. In recent decades, however, the country’s traditional problem of financial instability has become increasingly acute, taking into account that its collapse can quickly spread to the rest of the eurozone. In this regard, preventing Italian banks’ crises becomes a priority for all eurozone members. The purpose of the article is to analyze the effectiveness of the general rules for resolving banking crises in the eurozone introduced by the Banking Union, using the Italian case. The emphasis is put on the peculiarities of Italy’s application of the new principle of bank liquidity problems settlement - bail-in. This mechanism was originally designed to minimize the state recapitalization of banks as a measure of smoothing financial crises’ consequences, and, therefore, shift the burden of responsibility for “saving” banks from taxpayers to the financial sector. The article analyzes how the Italian government has continued to provide support to national banks at the expense of the budget since 2016, taking advantage of the ambiguity of the Banking Union rules. The impact of such precedent on other Eurozone countries is underlined, as they may also act in circumvention of the established procedures. The author states that the current global situation with the coronavirus pandemic has once again put the banking sector of the eurozone countries and, in particular, Italy, in a critical situation. Now the anti-crisis measures taken at both national and supranational levels can become decisive in determining the future of the EU as an interstate association. As a conclusion, the author suggests one of the solutions to the problem - modification of the Banking Union rules through a clearer and unambiguous formulation of key concepts in its legal framework, which would remove obstacles to the further integration process.

This article concerns the problem of Indonesia’s counterterrorism measures after the 9/11 terrorist attack; its difficulties, achievements and prospects. This article is relevant owing to the fact that after the defeat of ISIS in the Middle East Southeast Asia risks becoming the main center of terrorist activity. Indonesia as a country with the largest Muslim population (229 million, far more than in, for instance, Saudi Arabia, the keeper of two shrines, with merely 31,8 million Muslims) is likely to be most affected by this fact.

This article consists of two parts. In the first part the main problems, which Indonesia faces, are considered. Among them are the predominance of Muslims whose opinion on this matter cannot be ignored, ineffective cooperation between the ASEAN countries, the support of radical Islam among the most educated citizens, the issue of the increase of the army’s role in the state and their involvement in terrorist activity, the issue of repatriation of terrorists of Indonesian origin and members of their families from other countries, facelessness of the political parties and vacuum in some areas of political spectrum, especially left, which leads to lack of real choice. The second part is devoted Indonesia’s international cooperation in terms of counterterrorist activity. Cooperation with the US and Russia is quite possible. There is need to aid the Philippines and Myanmar, which are torn by internal conflicts, which attract radicals from many countries. Indonesia’s most promising allies are its neighbours: Thailand, Malaysia and Singapore, which are quite effective in tackling the issue of terrorism. During the last few years the cooperation between the ASEAN countries has been quite flourishing, and the sides are moving from negotiations to real actions, such as sharing information and experience, patrolling borders together. The main point, which will determine the success of ASEAN cooperation is willingness to interfere in internal matters of the members when it is necessary.

The article aims at investigating the positive impact of Kyrgyz, Armenian, Belorussian and Kazakh diasporas in Russia on the integration within the EAEU. The importance of the research is justified by the fact that the EAEU is one of the most dynamically developing integration groups in the post-soviet space, and diasporas contribute to its developing, though their influence is not widely studied.

Diaspora is defined by several characteristics: compound ethnic identity, ethnic migration origin, resistance to assimilation, ties with the country of origin and the country of stay, its own institutions. Diasporas can play both positive and destructive role in the international relations. Elites that have political impact and other diaspora members that establish economic and social ties with the country of origin can be distinguished in a diaspora.

Speeches of diasporas’ organization leaders, media materials, interviews of diplomats were used as a basis for the investigation into the positive contribution of the diasporas to the Eurasian integration. Kyrgyz diaspora focuses on the resettlement and problems of labour migrants from Kyrgyzstan. Armenian diaspora encourages multilateral forums and economic rapprochement. Belorussian diaspora seems to be more concerned by the developing of the Union State than the EAEU. Kazakh diaspora does not suggest many initiatives in terms of the Eurasian integration.

In general, Kyrgyz and Armenian diasporas are the most active. It can be explained by their interest in the integration process and in case of Armenian diaspora by its great historic experience of relations with the country of origin and the country of stay. As for Belorussian diaspora, the Union State seems to be more attractive for it than the EAEU owing to longer history, huge legal framework, a wide range of integration spheres and historic ties with Russia. Kazakh diaspora is less consolidated than the others and does not show a lot of interest in the Eurasian integration. The authorities of the countries of origin and the country of stay do not use the power of diasporas in the integration process to the full extent though.