This paper examines the phenomenon of the erosion of Israeli democracy as a systemic degradation of the country’s democratic institutions, which occurs through legally established channels while maintaining formal democratic procedures. The relevance of the paper lies in addressing the issue of «fragile democracy» as a root cause of the current crises in the regime’s legitimacy as the «only democracy in the Middle East». The novelty of the work lies in a comprehensive approach to the phenomenon, taking into account five interrelated structural factors: constitutional vulnerability, an ethno-national model of the state, coalition dependence on religious parties, deep polarization of society, and the occupation of Palestinian territories. As a result of the conducted research, the most likely scenarios of regime degradation and consolidation were considered, taking into account a combination of systemic factors and the current political situation.

In the context of a rapidly globalizing world, the importance of «soft power» as an effective foreign policy tool is significantly increasing. One of the striking examples of a country that successfully applies the concept of «soft» power is Japan. After the end of World War II, Japan carried out a plan for large-scale modernization, restoration of the economy and industry. At this rate, it managed to gradually form an attractive image in the international arena. The country acted through the dissemination of the Japanese language, culture, traditions, dishes, as well as through achievements in the field of electronics, automotive industry and high technology. All these achievements and cultural features have become excellent tools of Japan’s «soft power». The country managed to establish contact with Western powers, which have formed a positive image of Japan as a unique country with advanced technologies in various areas of life (automotive industry, «green» energy, smart home and smart city systems). Japan is presented as a country that combines innovative technologies, modesty, respect for traditions and all living things, the desire for harmony and balance in everything. However, Japan is not the only country that broadcasts its cultural agenda to the world; it has to compete with other countries, primarily China and South Korea. These countries, like Japan, use their language, cinema, music, and high technologies to strengthen their positions in the world and spread their culture beyond their territorial borders. That is why, in difficult conditions with ever-increasing “competition of cultures,” Japan is forced to improve its “soft power” strategy, adapt it flexibly to rapidly changing realities, in order to be able to continue to effectively represent its national interests on the world stage. In this article, using the example of Japanese TNCs, we will examine the phenomenon of “soft power” as a tool for promoting national interests and creating an attractive image abroad.

This article examines Russian-Uzbek cooperation in high technologies during 2023– 2025. The theoretical framework is based on the neorealist approach by K. Waltz, which explains Uzbekistan’s motivation for technology sector development in terms of national security and world posture, as well as the «political space» concept developed at IMEMO RAS for analyzing the structure of bilateral relations. The methodology includes systematicfunctional, comparative-political, statistical, and legal analysis of official documents and interstate agreements, alongside media monitoring. The article identifies five main areas of cooperation: digitalization and artificial intelligence, information security, nuclear energy, transport sector development, and personnel training. Special attention is given to the analysis of Uzbekistan’s high-tech sector needs based on the «Uzbekistan-2030» Strategy, activities of 15 Russian university branches and workforce development programs, as well as the assessment of competitive presence of China and Western countries in Uzbekistan’s technology sector. The findings show that Russia maintains competitive advantages in nuclear energy, cybersecurity, and engineering education but faces growing competition from China in digital technologies and infrastructure investments.

This article examines Australia’s role in the security system of the Indo-Pacific region in the first half of the 2020s. Special attention is paid to her commitment to a rules-based order. The article examines the challenges and threats that pose a risk to Australia’s national security. The country’s participation in various multilateral agreements is considered, as well as their impact on the formation of the architecture of regional security in the Islamic Republic of Iran is assessed. Special attention is paid to Australia’s main allies and its relations with China. The purpose of the study is to identify Australia’s role in the regional security system, to establish Australia’s claims to one of the leading roles in shaping the security construct of the Indo-Pacific region. The article also analyzes key regulatory legal acts defining the country’s foreign policy: White Paper on Foreign Policy 2017, National Defense: Defense Strategic Review 2023, National Defense: Defense Strategic Review 2024. The study relies on the methodology of political realism to analyze the concept of a «middle power» and its impact on Australia’s foreign policy. In addition to the realistic paradigm, elements of a liberal approach were applied to assess the role of multilateral agreements and institutions in shaping regional security, as well as social constructivism to understand how Australia actively participates in constructing ideas about security and order in the Asia-Pacific region through normative diplomacy and allied relations. Conclusions. As a result of the conducted research, the author comes to the conclusion that Australia plays a significant but not decisive role in maintaining security in the IT. It is emphasized that Australia’s foreign policy largely depends on the actions and strategic decisions of major powers such as the United States and China. It is noted that Australia often cannot make independent decisions without taking into account the opinions and interests of its key allies, primarily the United States. It is concluded that Australia is generally satisfied with the status of a «middle power», which allows it to focus on the policies of stronger players, in particular, adhering to the course set by the United States.

The purpose of this article is to study the process and results of the implementation of the stated U.S. policy towards China in 2021- 2024. The objectives of the study include analyzing Washington’s policy towards creating a new military-political alliance in the region, the QUAD policy, and examining the White House’s cooperation with allies in the Asia-Pacific region, as well as the reasons for creating a new economic structure in Asia and Beijing’s response to pressure from the United States. The novelty of the study lies in its comprehensive analysis of the 46th President of the United States’ policy towards China. The White House’s policies are examined not only from an economic perspective but also from a military and political standpoint. The paper aims to analyze Washington’s most significant steps in the Chinese direction and their impact on China’s foreign policy development. The study used descriptive-narrative, biographical, and dialectical methods. The key foreign policy documents of the Joe Biden administration, the fundamental bilateral agreements of the USA with its allies in the region were studied. The interaction of Washington with its satellites in the APR within the framework of AUKUS and QUAD was investigated. The main reasons for the creation and mechanisms of functioning of the IPEF were studied.