This article examines the cooperation of the Holy See and the fascist regime in Italy in 1922-1943. The relevance of the study is that the issue of the relationship between Catholicism and fascism remains extremely ambiguous to this day. Even though at first glance the ideological foundations of fascism and Catholicism are drastically diff erent from each other and seem incompatible, the Vatican and the Mussolini regime found common ground, which made cooperation beneficial for both sides. Moreover, the topic of relations between the Holy See and fascist Italy in the first half of the XX century is not fully covered in the Russian scientific literature. The aim of the study is to examine the cooperation of fascist Italy and the Holy See in 1922-1943. The following research tasks were identified: to trace the history of relations between the fascist Party and the Vatican at the time of the formation of the Mussolini dictatorship, to study the fact of the solution of the Roman question by the Mussolini government and the conclusion of the Lateran Agreements in 1929, to dwell on foreign policy events that infl uenced the relations of the Vatican and Italy in the 1930s, to consider the religious and ideological question of the correlation of fascism and Catholicism, and also compare the foreign policy of Italy and the Holy See during the Second World War before the overthrow of Mussolini in 1943. The article is based on a comprehensive analysis of various sources and studies of scientists on this topic and is designed to assess the relationship between the Holy See and Italy during this period. The author concludes that the policy of the Vatican in the period 1922-1943 is contradictory. Despite its traditional spiritual role, the Holy See has cooperated with the fascist regime for more than twenty years, despite its cruel and bloody methods. Nevertheless, the Vatican and fascist Italy found common ground, which made their cooperation eff ective and quite fruitful for both sides. It was mutually beneficial and allowed both the Vatican and Italy to achieve their political goals.

The Paris Agreement was signed in 2015 and its purpose is to reduce the greenhouse emissions. The energy sector is accountable for more than 78.9% of them. The reasons for energy transfer are also the depletion of resources; the threat of "Dutch disease"; wear of "traditional" power plants; the consequences of the of nitrogen and sulfur compounds emissions. The Russian Federation ranks 4th in the world in the production of nuclear energy, The share of nuclear power plants in total electricity generation in 2021 was 19.96%, in the world – 10%. Due to the Covid-19 pandemic, electricity production and uranium mining have declined globally, but by 2021 the industry has bounced back. Promising areas of nuclear energy development in Russia are the reconstruction of existing plants and the development of nuclear power plants in Chukotka, the Trans-Baikal region, the Republic of Buryatia, and the Krasnoyarsk region. The geographical features make it possible to safely build new nuclear power plants they are situated within the Eurasian lithospheric plate. There are rich deposits of uranium in the Russian Federation. Nevertheless, the dependence on imported equipment, construction materials and the socio-economic features of the country stifl e the development of the nuclear industry. It is necessary to overcome dependence on depleted resources, diversify the energy complex, reduce harmful emissions, and modernize power plants to reduce production costs. Is nuclear power likely to become the "green" future of our country in the context of the energy transition?

The article analyzes the evolution of relations between the leading powers in the field of space exploration, examines the causes of problems in cooperation, the prerequisites and prospects for cooperation and the likely difficulties of interaction. The research objective of the article is to identify, through analysis and synthesis, the distinctive features of the interaction between the leading world powers in space exploration. The research methodology is framed by historical trends in the development of the space industry and their comparison with the current geopolitical situation. The purpose of the article is to form an idea of the reciprocal infl uence of geopolitics on space and space on geopolitics and on humanity. The first part of the article provides a brief excursion into the history of relations between Russia and the United States in space and focuses on significant mistakes in these relations in the 20th century. In the second part, the current agenda is compared with the past, and positive changes are identified. Further, a number of joint promising projects of leading national space corporations are presented to the reader's attention, which have either already been implemented or will only be in the very near future. In the last part of the article, modern problems of cooperation in the field of space exploration are considered, a correlation is made with the past. The author comes to the conclusion that the cosmos, to which people, regardless of race and ethnicity, have been directing their gaze for many centuries, wanting to get answers to deep philosophical questions, should serve as a consolidating factor for the entire fragmented humanity.

The development of the relations between the UK and Indo-Pacific region countries and British military build-up in the region are main goals on the path to realizing «Global Britain» concept, providing for becoming of Great Britain one of the main actors in international relations. The implementation of the concept defines the basic parameters of the British foreign policy in the medium term, what makes the British-Indo-Pacific relations issue relevant. This article aims at estimating the role of the UK in Indo-Pacific region, analysing the forms of interactions with the countries of the region and discovering ways and opportunities for cooperation. The article focuses on relations with selected countries (Japan, India, China) and with integration unions (ASEAN, CPTPP) as well. For the analysis of the economic relations the author uses international databases (The World Bank: Data, WTO Stats, SIPRI database etc.), House of Commons Foreign Aff air Committee's reports (reports about India, China etc.) and other government publications and information (for example, UK-ASEAN factsheet). The estimation of the ways and opportunities for the development of cooperation is based on the analysis of present relations and discovered trends supported by experts' articles, dedicated to the cooperation between Great Britain and selected countries and between Britain and the whole region as well. The author concludes the UK pursues two main goals in Indo-Pacific region on the path to realizing the concept. Firstly, it aims at boosting its financial and economic power through developing economic cooperation with the countries of the region. To this end it signs free trade agreements or comprehensive agreements for partnership and participates in integration unions and infrastructure projects. Secondly, Great Britain aims at containing China's political and military expansion by establishing and enhancing various military and strategic alliances and unions.